Tuesday, 15 January 2013

Doubting loyalties of dual nationals

Doubting loyalties of dual nationals

The writer is a member of the information wing of the MQM and a provincial minister, Sindh
Strange are the ways of our society which has become deeply steeped in focusing on the negative side of what is otherwise a positive development. The Supreme Court’s decision on dual nationality-holders in the past, in which it had rightly barred dual nationals from holding public office, is a case in point. It was, no doubt, a correct decision by the SC and all parties, including the MQM, strictly adhered to it and acted upon it.
But nowadays, a strange debate is taking place in the national press where some individual politicians and anchorpersons are deliberately questioning the loyalties of the foreign-based Pakistanis, a majority of whom have dual nationality. Actually, what these individuals fail to understand is that they are on the wrong side of the debate. There is no denying that ourConstitution bars dual nationals from holding public offices, but it does not classify them as disloyal or traitors.
Here, one may refer to the Pakistan Citizen Act, which very clearly and precisely allows Pakistani nationals to hold the nationality of as many as 16 countries, including the UK and Canada, for reasons laid out in the Constitution. It is also a fact that Pakistan receives remittances of up to around $14 billion annually from overseas Pakistanis, including dual nationals. That’s why it was trumpeted that they should have the right to vote. Taking the oath of citizenship of another country does not mean that a person has renounced loyalty to his country of birth.
It may also be recalled here that, in the past, we have had a prime minister (Shaukat Aziz) who was a dual nationality holder. Anyway, why the then Election Commission did not disqualify him, or others with dual nationality at the time, is another debate altogether. What is ironic is that while a few spokesmen of the PML-N are talking against dual nationality holders for fear of Dr Tahirul Qadri, they fail to grasp the behind-the-scenes agreement under which their leader Nawaz Sharif, went to Saudi Arabia and remained there for over a decade. One would also call the statements made, at the time, by Mr Nawaz Sharif, who was not only critical of the government, but also showed mistrust of the judiciary. Interestingly, Mr Nawaz Sharif is the only leader who has a lifetime facility to stay in a country which does not have the policy of offering a nationality or multiple visas.
Moreover, leaders are being misquoted to misguide the nation and malign leaders of international repute. For example, the other day, when quoting Quaid-e-Azam as a British national, MQM leader Altaf Hussain was just making a reference to stop those biased interpreters who are terming dual nationals as ‘unfaithful’. It was aimed at making them realise that the dual nationality holders are as honest as the Father of the Nation was. To say that Mr Altaf Hussain “maligned” the Quaid-e-Azam is a distortion of the statement. Every one of us knows that before 1947, united India was governed by Britain and the British government had the authority to issue a passport. So it was geographical facts and the then-existing political situation to which Mr Altaf Hussain had referred.
At the end, it is my humble request to the media to play their due role on these sensitive issues in a very responsible and sensible way. Generally speaking, it has become our psyche as a nation to focus on the negative side of things and our media needs to put aside all such feelings and focus on the ‘glass half full’ rather than the ‘glass half empty’.

Tuesday, 21 August 2012

Inequality in Education


Educational opportunities available in Pakistan are of a very diverse nature. There are deep divisions based on regional disparities, rural-urban location, gender, income and wealth of parents, medium of instruction in schools, curricula and syllabi, ideological divides, type of schools, and access to extra coaching (shadow education), among others. In the last couple of decades as income and wealth inequalities have increased in Pakistani society in general, and our society has become more fragmented and divided, on various socio-economic lines, the disparities in education have also increased concurrently. The rapid growth of the private sector, over this period, has also added to the diversity and inequality of educational opportunities.

There are significant differences in access to education, dropouts and proportion of out of school children, as well as learning achievements of children. These differences should be of grave concern to policy makers in Pakistan. Where they are a reflection of the existing disparities and divisions in the country, the schooling system will cause these disparities to increase manifold over the next few years if they remain unchecked and unchallenged. It is worth highlighting this aspect of our education system.

There has always been a hierarchy of schooling in Pakistan. However, the increasing range of private schools means the difference between high and low quality education is growing. There is a mushroom growth of the English-medium schools, especially at the primary level. English still fascinates parents who feel elated when their children demonstrate verbal skills in English. However, the high tuition schools that give good quality education, meant mainly for the elite, are indirectly perpetuating class distinctions as they mainly cater to the upper strata of society. Increasingly the quality of education depends on being able to pay for private education.  Standard government schools deliver very low learning outcomes. Employment opportunities are dictated by the type of school attended.  Schools, which might confer economic opportunities on students, are beyond the reach of normal citizens. Consequently, the school system reinforces the social gap rather than offering opportunities for social mobility.

In Pakistan enrolment in private educational institutions is 34% of total enrolment[1]. The number of private schools has increased, over the last decade, in Pakistan and they are no longer restricted to urban areas. Punjab and Kyber Pakhtunkhwa have seen significant growth in privates schooling in both urban and rural areas, with higher growth in urban areas, but interior Sindh and rural Balochistan have very few private schools. The major constraint, on opening private schools in various areas, seems to be the availability of teachers locally. Private schools have opened up in large numbers where there has been an available and ready supply of matric/intermediate pass individuals. These have mainly been females in Punjab and KP. This partially explains the expansion in these two provinces, aside from demand factor differences, and it also explains the constraint in interior Sindh and Balochistan. It also explains why most of private school expansion has happened at primary level. If we want similar expansion of private schooling in other areas we have to find the supply of teachers, local or ways of transporting teachers from other areas into supply constrained areas.

Private schools cost more than their public counterparts. Though most private schools are low fee schools, barring the small number of elite schools, they are still more expensive than public schools. Parents from all income quintiles send children to private schools but there is a strong correlation between wealth and enrolment in private schools. Parents from lower income quintiles sometimes need to decide which child to send to a private school if they cannot afford to send all their children. Some data is also showing that children from private schools also get more paid coaching, after school hours, than their public school counterparts. All of these trends will exacerbate educational and later opportunity and income/wealth disparities in the society.

There are disparities in access to Education, particularly for the rural poor and girls. Substantial gender disparities continue to exist. Drop out rates between kachi and grade 5 are high. One of the reasons for low enrolment rates for girls, especially in rural areas is non-availability of local female teachers. Most of the government schools lack basic facilities like drinking water, electricity, latrines and boundary walls. Gross Enrolment Rate (GER) and Net Enrolment Rate (NER) in the middle and matric level education are at lower level than in primary education.

Article 25A promises free and compulsory education to all children. The idea behind the promise, whether it is seen in the language of rights or is seen in more functional terms as a public good argument, is to provide opportunities to all children so that they can develop their potential fully. But if the education system is as fragmented and divided as it is in Pakistan, how can any argument for opportunity for all, far less a move towards equal opportunities for all, be made or be credibly sustained. Our education system is divided on lines of geography, class, income/wealth, medium of instruction, cost, syllabi and curricula, and gender and these differences manifest themselves in differentials in access, dropouts and in the quality of education that is imparted. And existing differences in educational provision will, inevitably, create even bigger differences in the future and will further entrench differences too. If our objective is to educate all children, and at least to a minimum standard, so that these children can have some equality of opportunity, or at least a bigger set of opportunities available to each of them, we need to challenge the existing differences and divisions. 25A provides an opportunity for articulating this challenge through the subordinate legislation that will come and through the arrangements that will be made for operationalizing it.